Atlas

Accessible list of neighbourhoods

1. el Raval — Ciutat Vella: West of La Rambla, the Raval is the former extramural suburb turned into one of Barcelona’s densest urban worlds: convents and hospitals, workshops and working-class housing, successive migrations, major cultural institutions and a continuing struggle over homes and public space.
2. el Barri Gòtic — Ciutat Vella: Barcelona’s Roman and medieval core, recomposed in the twentieth century as a monumental “Gothic Quarter”: beneath the old stone are Barcino, the Call, inhabited homes, streets erased by Via Laietana and a heritage image that is itself modern.
3. la Barceloneta — Ciutat Vella: An eighteenth-century maritime new town planned on Barcelona’s military and port edge: narrow houses, fishing and metalwork, market and co-operative life, now compressed between everyday residence and the global beach economy.
4. Sant Pere, Santa Caterina i la Ribera — Ciutat Vella: Three fabrics joined in one administrative neighbourhood: Sant Pere’s workshop streets, Santa Caterina’s convent-turned-market and mercantile la Ribera, amputated by the Citadel and now too often reduced to the tourist brand of “the Born”.
5. el Fort Pienc — Eixample: The eastern Eixample where Cerdà’s grid meets military memory, railway lines, a former station, cultural institutions and an inner civic square: a dense neighbourhood that looks regular on the map but has been shaped by large infrastructure.
6. la Sagrada Família — Eixample: An Eixample neighbourhood named for the monument that has kept it under construction for generations: Sagrada Família rises inside a residential city of market, schools, shops and homes, while the visitor perimeter transforms streets that once belonged to El Poblet.
7. la Dreta de l'Eixample — Eixample: The part of the Eixample that the bourgeoisie turned into a showcase, but also a neighbourhood of low passages, markets, concierges’ lodges, offices, schools and block interiors: Cerdà’s grid read as a machine for prestige, business and ordinary life.
8. l'Antiga Esquerra de l'Eixample — Eixample: A part of the Eixample where the residential grid becomes a medical campus, market, school, clinic, queer space, commercial street and home every day: a neighbourhood defined as much by those who arrive for care, study and work as by those who live here.
9. la Nova Esquerra de l'Eixample — Eixample: The western Eixample where a factory became a campus, a prison a memory site and an abattoir a park: a later and denser grid shaped by industry, technical education, control, rail movement and housing.
10. Sant Antoni — Eixample: An iron market built over the edge of the walls that still organises food, clothes, used goods, books, encounter and conflict: Sant Antoni is a compact Eixample neighbourhood where commercial infrastructure and street redesign have remade local identity.
11. el Poble-sec — Sants-Montjuïc: A working-class neighbourhood climbing between Paral·lel’s theatres and the rock of Montjuïc, made from narrow streets, successive migrations, factories, shelters, stairs and associations: popular Barcelona at the hinge of entertainment, labour and hill.
12. la Marina del Prat Vermell — Sants-Montjuïc: A new city rises over drained meadows, printed-cotton drying fields, factory colonies, workers’ housing, warehouses and logistics: Marina del Prat Vermell lets Barcelona watch, almost block by block, how a neighbourhood is manufactured and who bears the cost of transformation.
13. la Marina de Port — Sants-Montjuïc: La Marina de Port is not one workers’ district beside the harbour but a mosaic of settlements made among fields, factories, company housing, rehousing estates and major infrastructure; to read it, follow the gaps between its pieces rather than looking for a monumental centre.
14. la Font de la Guatlla — Sants-Montjuïc: In fewer than thirty hectares, la Font de la Guatlla compresses a vanished spring, fields and factories, worker housing, an unfinished garden suburb, a 240-home block and the monumental edge of Montjuïc: read the district through abrupt changes of scale.
15. Hostafrancs — Sants-Montjuïc: Hostafrancs grew where routes from Barcelona, Sants and the Llobregat met: first an inn and road, then market, factories, worker housing and migrant commerce; it still functions as a gateway, but gateways also bear all the traffic passing through.
16. la Bordeta — Sants-Montjuïc: La Bordeta grew among road, canal, factories and worker housing; today Can Batlló shows something unusual in Barcelona: an industrial compound becoming not only park or development, but space produced, negotiated and partly governed from the neighbourhood.
17. Sants - Badal — Sants-Montjuïc: Sants-Badal can look like a district without monuments because its history is embedded in the ordinary: extreme density, the Riera Blanca boundary, streets opened across fields and mills, rail lines that divide, and collective life forced to manufacture space where almost none remained.
18. Sants — Sants-Montjuïc: Sants was a village, industrial municipality, cooperative laboratory and railway junction before it became a Barcelona neighbourhood; the tension remains between a community that makes centrality from below and a station that reorganises territory from above.
19. les Corts — les Corts: Les Corts moved from farmhouse plain to municipality, industrial quarter and office centre without entirely losing its village core; read it through the low houses of Concòrdia, the traces of the old stadium, Diagonal’s giant parcels and the absences left by Colònia Castells.
20. la Maternitat i Sant Ramon — les Corts: A neighbourhood named after a care institution and a parish contains maternity pavilions, the memory of women and children, housing, university life and one of the world’s best-known stadiums; its landscape shows how Barcelona placed welfare, discipline and spectacle on a former rural plain.
21. Pedralbes — les Corts: Pedralbes is more than gardens, palaces and quiet streets: it is a landscape of power made through a women’s monastery, large estates, agricultural and domestic labour, walls, schools, campuses and a topography that turns distance, privacy and greenery into unequal resources.
22. Vallvidrera, el Tibidabo i les Planes — Sarrià-Sant Gervasi: Three dispersed settlements turn Collserola into inhabited city: Vallvidrera looks over Barcelona from an old mountain village, Tibidabo mixes temple, amusement and telecommunications, and les Planes grows along the railway on slopes where forest is home, infrastructure and risk.
23. Sarrià — Sarrià-Sant Gervasi: Sarrià retains the gesture of a town inside Barcelona—main street, square, market, parish and former town hall—but its calm appearance is the product of a long negotiation among agriculture, craft, railway, summer residence, annexation, schools, expensive housing and an associational life that still makes its own centre.
24. les Tres Torres — Sarrià-Sant Gervasi: Les Tres Torres began when three houses gave a new name to the former Nena Cases estate; railway, garden villas, clinics and high-value apartment blocks then made a neighbourhood where privacy is highly visible and collective life must be found in the market, library, station and memories of what has gone.
25. Sant Gervasi - la Bonanova — Sarrià-Sant Gervasi: Sant Gervasi - la Bonanova is a hillside made from three superimposed cities: old Cassoles, the villa and summer-estate belt, and an institutional landscape of schools, convents, clinics and science facilities that multiplies the neighbourhood’s real population every morning.
26. Sant Gervasi - Galvany — Sarrià-Sant Gervasi: Sant Gervasi - Galvany is compact Sant Gervasi: a market, dense housing, retail, schools, clinics and nightlife, where high income does not remove dependence on everyday infrastructure sustained by stallholders and service workers.
27. el Putxet i el Farró — Sarrià-Sant Gervasi: El Putxet i el Farró are two neighbourhoods inside one administrative name: uphill, an urbanised hill of villas, apartment blocks and a panoramic park; downhill, squares, passages and small houses around Saragossa. Ronda del General Mitre is boundary, cut and connector.
28. Vallcarca i els Penitents — Gràcia: Vallcarca i els Penitents is a valley where planning can be seen on the ground: houses adapted to slope, a viaduct jumping the void, plots opened by decades of acquisition and demolition, and community facilities trying to turn imposed transformation into a habitable city.
29. el Coll — Gràcia: El Coll is a mountain pass turned neighbourhood: a compact, steep fabric between Vallcarca, la Teixonera and Park Güell, made from popular housing, quarries, unusual houses, a comic publisher, a park cut from rock and a metro station so deep that the lift is part of the journey.
30. la Salut — Gràcia: La Salut is the neighbourhood that continues when the Park Güell postcard ends: a residential mountain of chapels, schools, homes, stairs and streets pressured by a global park that began as a failed private development and now also serves as an everyday route for nearby residents.
31. la Vila de Gràcia — Gràcia: La Vila de Gràcia is an old town inside the city: squares functioning as collective living rooms, streets older than the Eixample, markets, cooperatives and festivals sustained by residents, all under housing, visitor and night-time pressure that turns the neighbourhood’s success into a daily contest.
32. el Camp d'en Grassot i Gràcia Nova — Gràcia: Camp d’en Grassot i Gràcia Nova is the seam where an estate, brickworks and industry became streets; where Gràcia’s fabric negotiates with the Eixample chamfer; and where a former silk factory saved by resident mobilisation still shows how a neighbourhood manufactures its own institutions.
33. el Baix Guinardó — Horta-Guinardó: Baix Guinardó is a gentle-slope hinge where water lifted toward the city, a barracks converted into gardens, dense housing and Sant Pau’s daily gravity explain the neighbourhood better than any viewpoint: vanished infrastructure still orders the streets.
34. Can Baró — Horta-Guinardó: Can Baró is a hillside neighbourhood where a seventeenth-century rebuilt farmhouse, quarries, journalists’ houses, shantytowns, anti-aircraft batteries and cooperative blocks share one hill; the view only makes sense when the people who built, inhabited and climbed the slope are visible too.
35. el Guinardó — Horta-Guinardó: El Guinardó is a neighbourhood built twice: first as houses and gardens over estates urbanised in the late nineteenth century, then as blocks, market, schools, healthcare and facilities; the park monumentalises water and slope, while Avinguda Mare de Déu de Montserrat explains everyday city life.
36. la Font d'en Fargues — Horta-Guinardó: Font d’en Fargues is a garden suburb born around a spring, an estate and a 1912 plan: villas, slopes and quiet streets can appear private, but the Casal, journalists’ cooperatives and campaigns for Can Fargues reveal a history of collective organisation.
37. el Carmel — Horta-Guinardó: El Carmel is a city of slopes built before many ordinary urban services arrived: homes raised or extended by families, walls holding the ground, stairways functioning as streets, and collective organisations that forced public authorities to recognise the neighbourhood. The 2005 collapse suddenly exposed a much longer history of risk, public works and inequality.
38. la Teixonera — Horta-Guinardó: La Teixonera is not a wildlife name but an urbanisation with an author: Joaquim Taxonera subdivided the former Can Grau estate and promoted a summer colony from 1915. Its pattern of plots, wells and gardens later intensified into one of Barcelona’s densest hill neighbourhoods, compressed between steep ground and metropolitan infrastructure.
39. Sant Genís dels Agudells — Horta-Guinardó: A parish consecrated in 931, a small rural nucleus, blocks built during the great post-war expansion and the Collserola forest coexist in a neighbourhood Barcelona often sees only in passing. Sant Genís dels Agudells is ancient, but most of its housing is modern; it is green, yet slope, the ring road and distance from services turn landscape into everyday infrastructure.
40. Montbau — Horta-Guinardó: Montbau is a planning hypothesis built at full scale: public housing blocks separated by green space, facilities and pedestrian routes designed in the late 1950s, followed by a second phase that increased density and changed the shape of communal space. It shows how a modern plan is revised, inhabited and made to age.
41. la Vall d'Hebron — Horta-Guinardó: Vall d’Hebron is a valley of institutions: a vanished monastery, a hospital opened under Francoism, research campuses, housing and sports compounds built for the 1992 Games. Its resident population is small, yet thousands of patients, relatives, professionals, students and athletes arrive every day.
42. la Clota — Horta-Guinardó: La Clota is a green hollow that survived inside Barcelona not because time stopped, but because decades of incomplete planning, agricultural labour and neighbourhood resistance prevented total transformation. Gardens, low houses, workshops and narrow lanes now coexist with park, housing and facility projects that may preserve its structure or erase it.
43. Horta — Horta-Guinardó: Horta can be read as a former municipality that still possesses a centre of its own: a square that used to be a market, streets formed over paths and torrents, houses with wells and washhouses, and a commercial network that does not need central Barcelona to make sense. It is not a “village in the city” preserved in amber, but a rural, industrial and residential territory repeatedly remade without entirely losing its grammar.
44. Vilapicina i la Torre Llobeta — Nou Barris: Vilapicina i la Torre Llobeta is a composite neighbourhood: a rural name documented since the Middle Ages, a manor converted into a civic centre, heavy metropolitan corridors and an administrative boundary that leaves part of Santa Eulàlia’s old nucleus across Fabra i Puig. This seam matters more than an artificial historical unity.
45. Porta — Nou Barris: Porta is not a metaphorical “gateway” into Barcelona. Its name preserves Can Porta and a landscape of farmhouses, fields and routes absorbed by apartment blocks, major roads, metropolitan retail and public facilities. Reading the neighbourhood well means moving from surviving estates to spaces residents won, and from the infrastructure crossing it to the networks keeping it habitable.
46. el Turó de la Peira — Nou Barris: Turó de la Peira is an intensely dense neighbourhood built on ground once occupied by an estate and park, marked by accelerated housing, decades of neighbourhood organisation and the trauma of aluminosis. Its history did not end with the 1990 collapse: it continues through rehabilitation, demolition, rebuilding, facilities and the question of who pays to maintain a city built quickly.
47. Can Peguera — Nou Barris: Can Peguera is an urban exception that did not survive by accident: a public “cheap houses” estate built from 1929 to 1932 to rehouse families mainly from Montjuïc’s shantytowns, condemned to disappear for decades and consolidated through neighbourhood resistance. Its low scale preserves a history of housing policy, stigma, care and the right to remain.
48. la Guineueta — Nou Barris: La Guineueta is a late-1960s neighbourhood built over fields and around a torrent, but its name predates the blocks: it comes from the lost Can Guineueta farmhouse. The park, Ca n’Ensenya, schools and major edge institutions show how a housing estate acquired centrality, memory and public space.
49. Canyelles — Nou Barris: Canyelles is Barcelona’s last great residential estate built before democracy: blocks set into a hillside, generous spaces between buildings, and a neighbourhood that received housing before schools, shops, transport or civic facilities. Its physical form was planned; its urban life had to be demanded and made by residents.
50. les Roquetes — Nou Barris: Les Roquetes was made against the slope and against institutional delay. Family-built houses, streets cut through rock, sewers laid on Sundays and decades of campaigns for water, paving, transport and facilities turn the hillside into a physical archive of popular urbanism.
51. Verdun — Nou Barris: Verdun is a triangle of only 23.7 hectares containing two major Franco-era housing operations, extraordinary density and street life sustained by shops and local networks. The name of a European battle became a domestic address here, but the real history is thousands of families inhabiting and repairing housing produced in haste.
52. la Prosperitat — Nou Barris: La Prosperitat is one of Barcelona’s densest and most associationally powerful neighbourhoods: a mesh of houses and blocks filled within decades, with squares and facilities won before they were programmed. Its optimistic name is not a generic Franco-era slogan but the trace of a cooperative and small residential nucleus predating mass growth.
53. la Trinitat Nova — Nou Barris: La Trinitat Nova is a neighbourhood built twice: first from 1953 to 1963 as rapid public housing for a growing city, then from the late 1990s through renewal that replaced defective blocks and tried to retain community through years of moves, demolition and construction.
54. Torre Baró — Nou Barris: Torre Baró is a mountain city built against gravity and against waiting: homes raised incrementally, streets opened before every service arrived, walls holding up plots, and the silhouette of an unfinished castle that has come to represent a neighbourhood far more complex than its postcard.
55. Ciutat Meridiana — Nou Barris: Ciutat Meridiana is a vertical city planned on a gradient its project underestimated: blocks, footbridges, stairs and lifts operating as an everyday transport network, and a community that has had to turn rapidly built housing into a complete neighbourhood.
56. Vallbona — Nou Barris: Vallbona is the productive edge Barcelona still retains: running water in the Rec Comtal, cultivated ground, farmhouses, metropolitan infrastructure and a small neighbourhood that has survived between development plans, isolation and real agricultural work.
57. la Trinitat Vella — Sant Andreu: La Trinitat Vella is a gateway to Barcelona made to live with everything the city sends through a gateway: water, railway, motorways, prison, movement and arrivals. Between these infrastructures, the neighbourhood has produced a centre of its own.
58. Baró de Viver — Sant Andreu: Baró de Viver is a neighbourhood that has had to archive itself because almost all its first residential landscape was replaced: 1929 cheap houses, floods, annexation, metro, ring roads, new blocks and a mural turning neighbourhood memory into public space.
59. el Bon Pastor — Sant Andreu: El Bon Pastor is a city history told at domestic scale: 781 small houses built in 1929, a municipal border, factories and river, nine decades of neighbourhood life, contested rehousing and four houses turned into a museum so replacement cannot be confused with forgetting.
60. Sant Andreu — Sant Andreu: Sant Andreu is a former municipal capital still organising life around it: main street, square, market, parish, workers’ houses, factories, cooperatives, Casa Bloc and an industrial complex turned into a museum of work in 2026.
61. la Sagrera — Sant Andreu: La Sagrera is a former sacred precinct turned transport corridor, industrial centre and residential neighbourhood that has spent decades living beside a promised station. Read beyond the cranes: a porticoed square, an old road, factories, housing and collective life.
62. el Congrés i els Indians — Sant Andreu: El Congrés i els Indians joins two neighbourhoods made at different moments and in different languages: a church-led housing estate following the 1952 Eucharistic Congress and an earlier fabric associated with people returning from the Americas.
63. Navas — Sant Andreu: Navas is not an old village absorbed by Barcelona but a dense piece of city assembled from earlier roads, post-war housing, the Meridiana and ordinary residential life. Its history appears in changes of scale: small houses, passages, compact blocks and an official estate that promised garden-city form while housing many people connected to the regime.
64. el Camp de l'Arpa del Clot — Sant Martí: El Camp de l’Arpa del Clot preserves a city that began to urbanise before the Cerdà plan reached it: bent routes, narrow passages, modest houses, reused factories and a hard edge against the Meridiana. Even its name needs correction: before the harp, there was probably a stone chest or marker.
65. el Clot — Sant Martí: El Clot is an old Sant Martí centre formed on low ground through water, routes, a market and industrial labour. It can still be read as a complete town: high street, square, housing, cooperative life, flour mill and a park made from railway workshops.
66. el Parc i la Llacuna del Poblenou — Sant Martí: El Parc i la Llacuna del Poblenou joins two names, several edges and one of Barcelona’s most intense urban transformations. Beneath campuses, offices, museums and towers lie drained wet ground, factories, workshops, workers’ housing and an unresolved struggle over who can keep living and working in 22@.
67. la Vila Olímpica del Poblenou — Sant Martí: The Olympic Village looks as though it appeared at once in 1992, but its ground contains an earlier city of factories, railways, working beaches and workers’ housing. Read it as three places at once: a planned Olympic district, an industrial landscape almost completely erased, and the everyday neighbourhood made after the athletes left.
68. el Poblenou — Sant Martí: Poblenou was market garden, wetland, workers’ district, “Catalan Manchester”, industrial beach and factory-reuse laboratory before it became a creative-city brand. Its value lies in the difficult coexistence of the Rambla, popular housing, factories, cemetery, workshops, artists, technology and neighbourhood life.
69. Diagonal Mar i el Front Marítim del Poblenou — Sant Martí: Diagonal Mar is where Avinguda Diagonal reaches the sea through a landscape remade with towers, a shopping centre, park, housing and beach. It looks finished, yet reveals an unfinished negotiation among industrial land, private development, public space, coastal ecology and residential life.
70. el Besòs i el Maresme — Sant Martí: El Besòs i el Maresme is mass housing, migration, industry, schools, association and metropolitan edge. Between the mid-century estates and the Fòrum lies a city built quickly, completed by residents and now entering a long, large-scale programme of physical repair.
71. Provençals del Poblenou — Sant Martí: Provençals del Poblenou is where Sant Martí’s old geography, the Pere IV road, large factory compounds and 22@ overlap most clearly. It is not an anonymous Poblenou extension: its productive scale, vacant land and conflicts are distinct.
72. Sant Martí de Provençals — Sant Martí: Sant Martí de Provençals preserves one of the Barcelona plain’s oldest centres inside a very dense residential district: church, farmhouses, paths and cultivated land. Its history is not a jump from rural world to blocks, but a succession of parish, municipality, industry, mass housing, park and cultural institutions.
73. la Verneda i la Pau — Sant Martí: La Verneda i la Pau is made from layers that remain physically distinct: fields and irrigation, factories, housing estates, cooperatives, rebuilt blocks and facilities won through collective action. Its two names join a wet landscape of trees to a Franco-era slogan that residents eventually reclaimed for themselves.